Video: The most avoided number in America
Uploader: Elephants in Rooms - Ken LaCorte
Upload date: 2026-08-03
URL: https://youtu.be/SuNH2nBokP0
Duration: 22 minutes
Transcript: auto-generated captions retrieved via youtube transcript tool on 2026-08-04.
Format: [MM:SS] text.
[00:00] What's going on with the black murder
[00:02] rate? In the United States, it's not
[00:04] just marginally higher than the rest of
[00:06] the country. It's seven times higher
[00:08] than whites and well above every other
[00:11] ethnic group that they track.
[00:13] More black men between the ages of 15
[00:15] and 34 die by homicide than any other
[00:18] cause, and it's not even close. Heck,
[00:21] over twice as many are murdered than die
[00:23] in car accidents. I'm Ken LaCourt and
[00:26] that's today's elephant in the room.
[00:28] So, there are lots of theories in all of
[00:29] this and I'll do my best to give it to
[00:31] you as straight as I can. Here's where
[00:33] we're going.
[00:34] We'll start with an ugly body count,
[00:36] looking at the numbers. [music]
[00:38] But, it wasn't always that way and we'll
[00:40] see that in the rise and fall of murder.
[00:43] Then, we'll start with the weaker
[00:45] explanations before we get to what holds
[00:48] up, the reasons that seem to make more
[00:50] sense. Okay, so black Americans make up
[00:53] only about 13% of the US population, but
[00:56] they account for over half of all
[00:58] murderers and half of all murder
[01:00] victims. It's an ugly body count, no
[01:02] matter how you look at it. By raw
[01:04] numbers, we're talking about 10,000
[01:06] victims per year. In 2023, we saw a rate
[01:09] of 3.2 deaths per 100,000 people for
[01:13] white Americans
[01:14] compared to 21 for black Americans.
[01:17] And that gap has run about that wide for
[01:19] at least 50 years. And it's not just a
[01:21] black-white story. Latinos are roughly
[01:24] five to six per 100,000 and Asian
[01:26] Americans below two. Now, a small part
[01:30] of that gap is demographics. Young
[01:32] people are more violent and black
[01:33] Americans are, on average, about six and
[01:36] a half years younger than others. Still,
[01:38] a young man in some Chicago zip codes
[01:40] was three times more likely to be shot
[01:42] to death than a US soldier deployed
[01:45] during the Iraq or Afghanistan war.
[01:47] Look, if I were black, this whole topic
[01:49] might drive me a bit crazy because
[01:51] there's a lot of people out there to use
[01:52] it as a way to beat up on a whole
[01:53] community.
[01:55] So, first let's take a look at another
[01:56] set of numbers, because they show that
[01:58] number of black murderers and victims is
[02:01] roughly two people out of every 10,000
[02:03] per year.
[02:04] So, we're talking about a tiny fraction
[02:06] of one group of people committing the
[02:08] worst crime there is. And that violence
[02:11] is highly concentrated. FBI county-level
[02:13] data shows that about 2% of US counties
[02:16] account for just over half of all
[02:19] murders. Well, most counties report no
[02:21] murders in a typical year.
[02:23] And within those high murder counties
[02:25] themselves, the killings cluster in
[02:27] small sets of streets and blocks.
[02:29] So, when you hear these numbers, don't
[02:31] picture 45 million people. Picture a
[02:33] smaller group of men within small
[02:36] neighborhoods doing the majority of it.
[02:38] Everyone else on those blocks, they're
[02:40] not committing the violence, they're
[02:41] living inside of it. So, to get a better
[02:43] understanding of the high black murder
[02:45] rate, before looking at the difference
[02:46] between the races, let's take a look at
[02:49] the rise and fall of murder. Because
[02:51] those numbers for all races can vary
[02:53] dramatically in short order. Murder in
[02:56] America can double in a decade, then get
[02:58] cut in half the next. Underneath that
[03:00] movement, though, it's a slower story
[03:02] that explains the racial gap, and I'll
[03:04] focus on that in the next two sections.
[03:06] So, first of all, you think it might be
[03:08] easy to count murders, since I mean,
[03:10] there's a body. But, that wasn't always
[03:12] the case. Before 1937, national homicide
[03:15] figures were pretty unreliable. The
[03:17] federal death registration system was
[03:19] new, and the cause of death reporting
[03:21] wasn't standardized. So, as we look at a
[03:23] chart from 1937 to now, the biggest
[03:26] standout is the rise that started in the
[03:28] mid-1960s, where the murder rate climbed
[03:31] and gave us the deadliest 30-year
[03:32] stretch of violence in modern American
[03:34] history. The national rate hit 10
[03:36] murders per 100,000 people, but in major
[03:39] cities, it was triple that, with over 30
[03:42] per 100,000 in New York, Chicago, Los
[03:45] Angeles. By comparison, New York City's
[03:47] murder rate last year was only 3.7.
[03:51] That's only an eighth of its high. Now,
[03:53] it's hard to exaggerate how unsafe the
[03:55] big cities looked and felt in those
[03:56] days. If you rode the New York subway in
[03:58] the mid-1980s, the graffiti, the broken
[04:00] windows, there was certainly a sense
[04:02] that no one was really in charge
[04:04] anymore.
[04:05] The Bronx was full of open-air drug
[04:07] markets running in broad daylight, and
[04:09] kids played in in lots full of rubble.
[04:11] And in some places, American cities
[04:13] looked more like bombed-out blocks in
[04:15] 1980s Beirut. That was ordinary life in
[04:18] a lot of black neighborhoods for the
[04:19] better part of two decades. Now, the
[04:21] black-white racial breakdowns in the
[04:23] data didn't really get reliable until
[04:25] the 1970s, and to be honest, there's
[04:27] still some squishiness in those numbers.
[04:30] For instance, there's not even a uniform
[04:31] way of defining a murder victim's race
[04:34] in a country that's increasingly
[04:35] becoming more multiracial.
[04:37] Still, a few things are pretty clear.
[04:40] First, the murder rate in the '70s grew
[04:42] nationwide, but it grew more in the
[04:44] black community by a wide margin. Black
[04:47] and white murder rates usually move up
[04:49] and down together, but for blacks, every
[04:51] swing lands harder, with sharper spikes
[04:54] and drops. All right, before I get into
[04:56] the whys here, I need to start with
[04:58] bigger caveats than I usually give.
[05:00] And the first is that there's no single
[05:02] obvious answer that people agree on,
[05:04] especially the experts. Now, that's
[05:06] usually the most difficult parts of my
[05:08] videos. I mean, if there was one
[05:09] straightforward answer to a question,
[05:11] there probably wouldn't be much of a
[05:12] debate or a mystery, and it wouldn't be
[05:14] worthy of a video. Instead, all the
[05:16] time, we we see overlapping, intermixed
[05:19] reasons that change by person and over
[05:21] time.
[05:22] So, I try to give insight, but this just
[05:24] isn't 2 + 2 = 4 stuff. Also, specific to
[05:28] this, every single theory here is
[05:30] disputed and has been the subject of
[05:32] articles, books, conferences, even the
[05:34] ideas I just mentioned in passing.
[05:37] And for each one of those, you'd be able
[05:38] to find a professor with a fancy degree
[05:40] who says, "I'm dead wrong."
[05:42] That's just the playing field here.
[05:44] So, with that said, here's my best take
[05:46] on all this.
[05:47] Let's start again with the 1960s.
[05:49] The post-World War baby boomers were
[05:51] coming of age, so there were more people
[05:53] in that age group more likely to cause
[05:55] problems. There was also a weakening
[05:57] trust in institutions and more social
[05:59] unrest. But a few other factors really
[06:01] seem to move the needle. The first was
[06:03] drug use.
[06:05] It exploded starting in the '60s.
[06:07] Heroin and cocaine took over in the '70s
[06:09] and '80s and hit the cities the hardest.
[06:11] Then came crack in the mid-1980s and
[06:14] things got much worse, especially in
[06:16] poor black neighborhoods.
[06:18] It was cheap, fast, and hooked people
[06:20] easily.
[06:21] The users often robbed to fund their
[06:22] habit and the dealers shot each other
[06:24] over sales turf. You can see it in the
[06:26] murder rates directly. Between 1984 and
[06:29] '94, homicide rates of black males aged
[06:32] 14 to 24 doubled.
[06:35] But the rate among black men over the
[06:36] age of 25, that stayed roughly the same.
[06:39] The 1960s also saw a real shift towards
[06:42] leniency and away from jail time.
[06:44] Sentences got lighter, paroles got
[06:46] earlier, and the rights of the accused
[06:48] increased. All as the murder conviction
[06:50] rates dropped. Now, I have both personal
[06:53] knowledge and certainly my own biases
[06:55] here because I lived through this era
[06:56] and saw it first hand too closely.
[06:59] In 1976, my sister and her boyfriend
[07:02] were hiking in the foothills near Los
[07:03] Angeles when a random stranger murdered
[07:06] them both.
[07:07] I made a difficult video about this
[07:09] where I detailed how their killer was
[07:11] caught and sentenced to death.
[07:13] But with the changes in the national and
[07:14] state laws, he was eligible for parole
[07:17] in just five and a half years.
[07:19] In that era, there were hundreds,
[07:21] probably thousands of stories similar to
[07:23] that.
[07:24] So, there's a reason why movies about a
[07:26] vigilante family man or a vigilante San
[07:29] Francisco cop became popular in those
[07:31] days.
[07:32] We even saw real-life vigilantes like
[07:34] Bernie Goetz viewed as a hero by many.
[07:36] Politicians,
[07:37] they eventually responded.
[07:39] And it wasn't just white conservatives
[07:41] demanding crackdowns either. Black
[07:43] mayors, pastors, and parents in those
[07:45] neighborhoods they pushed hard for
[07:46] tougher sentencing because they were the
[07:48] ones burying their kids. The experiment
[07:50] in leniency came to an end. Mandatory
[07:53] minimum drug sentences arrived in 1986.
[07:56] Washington state passed the first three
[07:58] strikes law in 1993 and California
[08:01] followed a year later.
[08:03] That year Congress and President Clinton
[08:05] the past a sweeping federal crime bill
[08:07] funding a 100,000 new police officers
[08:09] and expanding the list of crimes
[08:11] eligible for the death penalty.
[08:12] And as always the pendulum swung. The
[08:15] murder rates dropped sharply through
[08:16] much of the 1990s and continued downward
[08:19] with only a couple minor spikes until a
[08:21] handful of years ago. The next upswing
[08:23] was quicker and more dramatic and it
[08:25] started right after George Floyd's death
[08:27] in 2020.
[08:28] Some cities cut police budgets. Police
[08:31] pulled back on their own. A new breed of
[08:33] district attorneys took office, the kind
[08:35] who'd never be called tough on crime.
[08:37] Guaranteed bail increased in some
[08:39] places. Others backed off tools like
[08:41] gunshot detection sensors or video.
[08:43] Crime rose fast and so did the backlash.
[08:46] Defund the police died quickly. In just
[08:48] a year the number of people who wanted
[08:50] more not less police spending in their
[08:52] area grew dramatically especially among
[08:54] black Americans. Several of the new DAs
[08:56] were recalled. Voters in California
[08:59] undid some of the laws they called
[09:00] reforms just a few years earlier. It was
[09:03] the same movie played twice 60 years
[09:05] apart. Loosen consequences, watch
[09:08] violence crime, tighten it back up. But
[09:10] notice what it doesn't do. It doesn't
[09:12] explain why the racial gap holds steady
[09:14] through both versions of that cycle.
[09:17] Whatever's driving that, it isn't the
[09:18] way that the police pendulum happens to
[09:20] be swinging this decade. But before we
[09:22] get to it, a quick word from today's
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[10:24] All right. So, back to murder with a
[10:26] look at some of the theories floating
[10:27] around about the differences between the
[10:29] races. We'll start with those that I
[10:31] believe are the weaker explanations.
[10:33] They're poverty, guns, genetics, and
[10:35] contemporary racism.
[10:37] And there are a few, like lead exposure
[10:39] or other demographic changes, that I
[10:41] don't think much of and I just don't
[10:42] have time to get to here. So, let's
[10:44] start with poverty, which is usually the
[10:46] first out of the gate when people are
[10:47] looking for ways to explain the racial
[10:49] gap. It's a straightforward theory.
[10:51] Black Americans have been historically
[10:52] poorer than other groups. Poverty breeds
[10:55] desperation. Desperation breeds crime.
[10:58] As with all theories, we have to look at
[10:59] correlation versus causation.
[11:02] For instance, you see ice cream sales
[11:04] and drowning both spike in summer.
[11:07] But that's not a causal relationship.
[11:09] They're both caused by hotter weather.
[11:12] The poverty correlation falls into the
[11:13] same camp. Beverly Hills is 16 miles
[11:16] away from Compton. One's rich and safe,
[11:18] the other is poor and dangerous. So,
[11:20] poverty and murder do correlate, but
[11:22] they do it weakly and inconsistently.
[11:24] Raw income data shows poorer people
[11:26] commit more murder, but that
[11:28] relationship falls apart under some real
[11:29] scrutiny, especially when you look at
[11:31] county level data.
[11:33] And and we also see it play out in
[11:34] heavier poverty areas like Appalachia.
[11:37] And excluding race, we see this play out
[11:39] in counties where the county murder
[11:41] rates don't move in lockstep with their
[11:43] poverty levels. Asian-Americans also hit
[11:45] hard against the whole poverty equals
[11:47] crime concepts. I did a whole video on
[11:50] how infrequently Asian-Americans commit
[11:52] crimes even when they're poor. The
[11:55] numbers are astounding.
[11:57] Something else is going on and poverty
[11:58] isn't the answer people think it is in
[12:01] either direction. Now, let's talk guns.
[12:03] They certainly make it easier to kill
[12:05] someone and to many they seem like an
[12:07] easy way to reduce violence.
[12:09] And also there's a lot of misrepresented
[12:11] or cherry-picked data in that entire
[12:12] debate. But certainly the murder wave
[12:14] that began in the 70s didn't coincide
[12:16] with easier gun access. It was the
[12:18] opposite. For most of American history,
[12:21] getting a gun was trivially easy and
[12:23] ownership was higher than it is now. And
[12:25] racially, the correlation is backwards.
[12:28] Black Americans own guns at one of the
[12:30] lowest rates of any major ethnic groups,
[12:32] yet they have the highest murder rate.
[12:34] White Americans own the most guns. Pew
[12:37] Research estimates that almost half of
[12:38] white households own guns compared to
[12:41] about a fifth of black Americans. Then
[12:43] there's genetics, since somebody always
[12:45] brings it up. But through all my videos
[12:47] here, I've seen very little evidence to
[12:49] show that genetics play more than
[12:51] sometimes almost trivial role in complex
[12:54] human behavior.
[12:55] We see it specifically in the case of
[12:57] violence. By the numbers, the American
[12:59] black homicide rate runs roughly double
[13:02] the average rate across sub-Saharan
[13:03] Africa, the opposite of what a shared
[13:05] genetic trait would predict.
[13:07] Mexico's homicide rate runs several
[13:09] times higher than the rate for Latinos
[13:11] in the United States.
[13:13] Again, the opposite of what you'd expect
[13:15] if crime were following people across a
[13:17] border. And new African immigrants in
[13:19] America, I couldn't find murder specific
[13:21] numbers, but their overall crime rates
[13:24] are substantially lower than US-born
[13:26] black Americans. That leaves racism.
[13:29] It's the last element in the section,
[13:30] but also shows up in the next one
[13:32] because it means different things.
[13:35] I think it's important to separate into
[13:36] contemporary racism, I don't like you
[13:38] because of your skin color, and the
[13:40] historical racism that shaped culture
[13:42] and societies over centuries. It's hard
[13:45] to make the case that contemporary
[13:46] racism drives the murder rate. If you
[13:48] lean hard on the poverty equals violence
[13:50] argument, you you can maybe stretch it
[13:52] to get it there since poverty in black
[13:54] communities has its own history tangled
[13:56] up with racism. But if racism itself
[13:58] were the direct cause, you'd expect to
[14:00] see it show up in the form of
[14:01] interracial killing, white offenders
[14:03] targeting black victims, or vice versa.
[14:06] And that's usually not what happens.
[14:08] About 3/4 of murder victims are killed
[14:10] by someone of their own race. In fact,
[14:12] most victims know their own murderers
[14:14] and are often related to them. Killings
[14:16] are spurred by reasons like drugs,
[14:18] disrespect, money, or girlfriends.
[14:20] Racism usually isn't in that room.
[14:23] The surge in murder in the 1960s and
[14:24] 70s, they came along right at the same
[14:26] time that American civil rights were
[14:28] surging as well with overt racism in
[14:31] retreat. Segregation was dismantled,
[14:33] voting rights passed, black incomes and
[14:35] black college enrollment climbed, all
[14:37] while the black homicide rate doubled.
[14:39] Too many conservatives though hear these
[14:41] points and they they scratch racism off
[14:43] the list entirely. But again, we'll get
[14:45] into it in a second. Hey, I researched
[14:47] this carefully but there's a lot of
[14:48] statistics. If I made a mistake, send me
[14:51] straight to jail. All right, don't do
[14:52] that but let me know in the comments and
[14:54] I'll address it below.
[14:55] And I also have my script, notes, and
[14:57] sourcing there as well. All right. Now
[14:59] let's take a look at what holds up
[15:01] better as theories because it's a
[15:03] combination of family, drugs again, and
[15:05] sometimes even getting away with murder.
[15:08] Family first. And it started with a guy
[15:11] that nobody wanted to listen to. In
[15:12] March 1965, I was a month old, a Labor
[15:16] Department official named Daniel Patrick
[15:18] Moynihan wrote a report on black
[15:20] families. It noted that the non-white
[15:22] out of wedlock birth rate had climbed
[15:24] from 16.8%
[15:26] in 1940 to 23.6%
[15:29] by 1963.
[15:31] Moynihan was a New Deal Democrat from
[15:32] New York City, and his report landed
[15:35] like a lead balloon.
[15:36] Some black leaders called it one of the
[15:37] most dangerous things written about
[15:39] black America in a generation. It was so
[15:41] radioactive that serious academic work
[15:44] on black family structure mostly stalled
[15:46] for a generation. The chilling effect is
[15:48] worth thinking about because 20 years
[15:50] later a sociologist ran the numbers
[15:53] anyway.
[15:54] Robert Sampson studied crime in over 150
[15:56] American cities and found that family
[15:59] disruption, kids growing up without a
[16:01] father in the house, predicted the
[16:03] murder and robbery rate on its own
[16:05] independent of income, employment, or
[16:07] how much welfare a state paid out. And
[16:09] it worked exactly the same way in white
[16:11] communities as it did in black ones. His
[16:13] conclusion, and a number of other
[16:14] correlational studies back this up,
[16:16] shows that the primary drive of black
[16:18] crime rates was fathers or or the
[16:21] absence of them. Moynihan eventually
[16:23] became a long-standing US Senator and a
[16:25] lot of what he warned about came true.
[16:27] And the fatherless numbers continued to
[16:29] rise.
[16:30] Part of the reason is baked into a
[16:32] policy from that same era.
[16:34] Aid to families with dependent children.
[16:36] AFDC was the main cash welfare program
[16:39] of Johnson's Great Society, and its
[16:41] rules often meant a mother lost her
[16:43] check and her Medicaid the moment she
[16:45] married her child's father.
[16:47] What came to be known as the marriage
[16:49] penalty it wasn't aimed at black
[16:50] families. It hit poor families of every
[16:52] race. Single motherhood became the path
[16:55] to more benefits and marriage became the
[16:57] way to lose them.
[16:58] Poor Americans across the board
[17:00] responded to that incentive and it
[17:02] landed on the black communities first
[17:04] and hardest. Today, 69% of black
[17:07] children in America are born out of
[17:09] wedlock.
[17:10] The white rate is 26%.
[17:12] Substantially lower, but higher than the
[17:15] the rate when Moynihan was ringing the
[17:16] alarm. By comparison, Hispanic rates are
[17:19] somewhere in between the two, and the
[17:21] Asian rate is the lowest at 11.5%.
[17:24] Now, welfare rules weren't the only
[17:26] thing working against marriage.
[17:28] Societal rules and the economy were,
[17:29] too. The Great Black Migration in the
[17:31] early 1900s had seen 6 million blacks
[17:34] move from the countryside to the cities
[17:36] for industrial jobs. And those were hit
[17:39] particularly hard. Between 1967 and
[17:42] 1987, New York City lost roughly a half
[17:45] million manufacturing jobs. Chicago,
[17:47] more than 300,000. Philadelphia,
[17:50] 160,000.
[17:51] That was over half of these cities'
[17:53] manufacturing bases. The jobs that once
[17:55] let a man without a college degree
[17:57] support a family, in the neighborhoods
[17:59] where those men lived, they vanished in
[18:01] a single generation. The result was
[18:03] self-evident. When the men who could
[18:05] support a family disappear from the job
[18:06] market, marriage disappears with them.
[18:09] Now, I've already covered how drugs
[18:10] drove the overall crime wave, but I just
[18:12] want to reiterate how much it hit black
[18:15] neighborhoods specifically. Because the
[18:17] business of street drugs, it runs on
[18:19] violence.
[18:20] And an illegal business runs on violence
[18:22] in a way that a legal one doesn't. I
[18:24] mean, there's no court that you can sue
[18:26] when your corner boy shorts you on a
[18:27] product, or no police report you can
[18:29] file when someone muscles in on your
[18:31] block. So, business issues are settled
[18:33] with violence. We saw the same up and
[18:35] down during prohibition. I'd also like
[18:37] to take a moment again and talk about
[18:39] the clearance rates of murders. Because,
[18:41] as I mentioned before, they've been
[18:42] dropping. Now, I made an entire video on
[18:45] this once, and the numbers in it,
[18:47] they're troublesome. In 1962, American
[18:50] police cleared 93% of homicides. Today,
[18:54] it's closer to half. If you run the
[18:56] numbers all the way through,
[18:57] between arrests, convictions, and plea
[18:59] deals, around 13,000 killers a year walk
[19:03] away with no sentence at all in America.
[19:05] And that's with tools that police in
[19:07] 1962 couldn't have imagined, like DNA,
[19:10] security cameras, and cell phone
[19:11] location data. Much of that has to do
[19:14] with an increased level of evidence
[19:15] needed to convict someone.
[19:17] And on one hand, that's great because it
[19:19] means fewer innocent people going to
[19:20] jail.
[19:22] But there's a cost to it in more
[19:23] killings. And that hits the black
[19:25] community harder. Homicides with black
[19:27] victims, they clear at a lower rate than
[19:29] homicides with white victims, and they
[19:31] have for decades.
[19:33] Sometimes that's financial. Sometimes
[19:35] that's because guns make it easier to
[19:36] kill somebody from a distance and more
[19:38] likely to get away with it. And guns are
[19:40] disproportionately used in black
[19:42] killings.
[19:43] And for many of the gang-related
[19:44] murders, people are just often unwilling
[19:47] to talk to the cops. So when we look at
[19:49] all of these issues all together,
[19:50] we're not looking at disparate issues.
[19:53] We're looking at a larger narrative
[19:54] that's the definition of culture.
[19:57] I looked at the murder statistics for my
[19:58] city, and it was zero over a decade.
[20:02] Heck, I've never even seen a fist fight
[20:03] in my city. Now, we're older and
[20:05] mellower here, but it's a visible
[20:07] difference that I see when I go into
[20:09] other places. It reminds me of an
[20:10] anecdote that J.D. Vance wrote about in
[20:12] Hillbilly Elegy, which was an
[20:14] eye-opening look at the dysfunction in
[20:16] Appalachian culture. And it was also
[20:18] interesting because it was distinct from
[20:20] race and a slavery history.
[20:23] He talked about how defending your honor
[20:24] was so important that a young kid would
[20:27] certainly be expected to beat up a
[20:28] neighbor who insulted him or his family.
[20:31] And that instilled value stayed with him
[20:33] for years, even when he was a lawyer in
[20:35] Washington, D.C. I mean, enough so that
[20:37] a traffic incident would rile him up
[20:39] enough to almost assault somebody. It
[20:41] was interesting to see that an honor
[20:43] code that at a young part of your life
[20:45] would be celebrated would send you to
[20:47] jail at another part of your life.
[20:50] And and we certainly see that in the
[20:51] black culture. Sociologists call it
[20:53] street code or a subculture of violence,
[20:55] and others have earthier names for it.
[20:59] But all of these cultural elements
[21:00] didn't pop up out of nowhere. And that
[21:02] brings me back to the part of the racism
[21:04] question I didn't complete earlier.
[21:06] Historical racism.
[21:08] It's something that I think
[21:09] conservatives often don't pay enough
[21:10] attention to. It started as bad as you
[21:12] can get. You're black, you're in chains.
[21:15] And while it's easy for some to dismiss
[21:17] that as being hundreds of years ago,
[21:19] cultures change slowly. Heck, legal
[21:21] segregation for housing and public
[21:23] services and laws banning interracial
[21:25] marriage, they didn't end until the late
[21:27] 1960s. That was in my lifetime. It can
[21:31] take generations for that kind of
[21:32] history to work its way out of a
[21:34] culture.
[21:35] Distrust of police. Being abused by a
[21:37] legal system. Being excluded from jobs
[21:40] in the financial system. I mean, you
[21:41] don't pass a law and watch beliefs
[21:43] change overnight. That's not an excuse.
[21:46] Nothing excuses a murder.
[21:48] But if you're looking for where things
[21:49] like street code comes from, you can't
[21:51] leave this part out. All right. I hope I
[21:53] didn't give the impression that I was
[21:54] beating up on one group too much. So,
[21:56] let me flip to something positive.
[21:58] Why do blacks seem to be so much better
[22:01] at athletics?
[22:02] I mean, did you know that the last time
[22:04] a white guy even qualified for the
[22:06] Olympics 100-meter dash was 46 years
[22:09] ago?
[22:10] That's quite a streak.
[22:12] So, why?
[22:14] I did my best to answer that in this
[22:15] video. And if the link doesn't appear
[22:17] there, it's down in the description.
[22:19] Hey, thank you for your time. I hope I
[22:21] did a good job here and that you came
[22:22] away with some more insight into all of
[22:24] us.
[22:25] Until next time.